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By Stefan Ihrig

Early in his occupation, Adolf Hitler took concept from Benito Mussolini, his senior colleague in fascism—this truth is well known. yet an both very important position version for Hitler and the Nazis has been nearly solely missed: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founding father of smooth Turkey. Stefan Ihrig’s compelling presentation of this untold tale provides to rewrite our realizing of the roots of Nazi ideology and strategy.

Hitler used to be deeply drawn to Turkish affairs after 1919. He not just well known but additionally sought to mimic Atatürk’s radical building of a brand new country from the ashes of defeat in global struggle I. Hitler and the Nazis watched heavily as Atatürk defied the Western powers to grab govt, and so they modeled the Munich Putsch to a wide measure on Atatürk’s uprising in Ankara. Hitler later remarked that during the political aftermath of the good warfare, Atatürk used to be his grasp, he and Mussolini his students.

This was once no fading fascination. because the Nazis struggled in the course of the Nineteen Twenties, Atatürk remained Hitler’s “star within the darkness,” his notion for remaking Germany alongside nationalist, secular, totalitarian, and ethnically specific traces. Nor did it break out Hitler’s realize how ruthlessly Turkish governments had handled Armenian and Greek minorities, whom influential Nazis without delay in comparison with German Jews. the hot Turkey, or not less than these features of it that the Nazis selected to determine, grew to become a version for Hitler’s plans and desires within the years best as much as the invasion of Poland.

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57 This was to be the nationalist press’s second and main strategy for dealing with the Kemalist-Bolshevik connection: The Kemalists were merely using the Bolsheviks for their own goals while at the same time remaining untouched by this dangerous ideology. In 1922 and 1923 the papers still repeatedly “set the record straight” and stressed the purely propagandistic and strategic value of Kemalism’s temporary alignment with the Soviet Union. However, many texts in the coming years were to justify the Kemalist-Bolshevik connection and even attempt to establish it as a possible precedent or model for a German-Soviet collaboration (see Chapter 4).

Some papers started out as somewhat or even solely proGreek; by 1919 they felt compelled to take sides, and in due course all of them became overtly anti-Greek. They called Greek soldiers in Anatolia “intruders” and described the Greek state as a “war profiteer of World War I”—which carried a quite negative connotation, given the domestic debates on the war. 59 The way the military events were covered also instantly reveals which side the papers were on. Take, for example, the Kreuzzeitung: Not only did the paper frequently reprint reports from the Turkish army without comment, as if they just had to be true, but conversely it phrased Greek reports in mostly doubtful indirect speech, often labeling them as being probably exaggerated.

The Revision of a Peace Treaty” “The revision of a peace treaty—that is of importance today! But how does one best carry out a thorough revision? Should one give historians the contract, so that they can sufficiently . . oversleep on it? Should one let the paragraphs be mildly amended at diplomatic conferences? Perhaps it will be resolved through the whispers of the relevant ministers? Oh, nonsense! Rubbish! ,’ said Bismarck. ” Kladderadatsch 40 (1922) 48 Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination How one can revise a peace treaty?

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