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By Hasan Kayali

Arabs and younger Turks presents an in depth examine of Arab politics within the past due Ottoman Empire as seen from the imperial capital in Istanbul. In an analytical narrative of the younger Turk interval (1908-1918) historian Hasan Kayali discusses Arab matters at the one hand and the rules of the Ottoman executive towards the Arabs at the different. Kayali's novel use of files from the Ottoman information, in addition to Arabic assets and Western and vital eu records, permits him to think again traditional knowledge in this complicated topic and to give an unique appraisal of proto-nationalist ideologies because the longest-living heart jap dynasty headed for cave in. He demonstrates the endurance and resilience of the supranational ideology of Islamism which overshadowed Arab and Turkish ethnic nationalism during this the most important transition interval. Kayali's research reaches again to the 19th century and highlights either continuity and alter in Arab-Turkish kin from the reign of Abdulhamid II to the constitutional interval ushered in through the revolution of 1908.

Arabs and younger Turks is vital for an figuring out of latest concerns similar to Islamist politics and the ongoing crises of nationalism within the center East.

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Extra resources for Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918

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These students were taught new subjects like economics and took lessons from foreign teachers. Thus, while the social and geographical base of the Ottoman bureaucracy gradually broadened, modern education trained a generation in tune with new global political and economic trends and sympathetic to liberal ideas. • • • Conclusion In 1878 the Ottoman liberal movement was in disarray, having been deprived by Sultan Abdülhamid of constitutional-parliamentary institutions. All oppositional activity concentrated therefore on undermining Abdülhamid’s personal rule.

Brahim Temo, an Albanian student at the medical school and one of the founders of the Ottoman Union, reports a particular exchange of blows that ended in the imprisonment of the winners, the provincial contingent. Temo, 12. Although many of the Arab students were from prominent families, they were from the less well off branches of these families. See Commins, “Religious Reformers,” 412; Khoury, 68. Mardin, Jön Türklerin, 40. Ergin, 3:892–94. Ali Çankaya, Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler (Ankara: Örnek, 1954), 356–57.

The conflict between the governor of Damascus, Nazım Pasha, and the commander of the Fifth Army, Osman Fevzi Pasha, in the spring of 1909 illustrated the tensions between military and civil authority in that province. Governor Nazım in this case sided with the notables and complained to Đstanbul that the commander failed to supply military forces to prevent the Beduin from plundering local crops. Fevzi Pasha, in turn, felt that landowners wanted to exploit the presence of military units on the countryside to augment their authority over the peasants and to enhance their economic and political control by intimidation.

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